 |
| Here Lieth the Body of Mr. Abel Janes ye Husband of Mrs. Mary Janes, who Died December ye 18 1718 in ye 73 year of his age Leet Heavens Blessings rest upon ye Darling of my youthful dayes & also one of my children young To keep them all in wisdom's ways |
Born: b. ca. 1644
Baptized: 19 March 1648, New Haven, Connecticut
Died: 18 December 1718, Lebanon, Connecticut
Buried: Old Cemetery, Lebanon, Connecticut
Marriage: Mary Judd, Nov. 4, 1679 in Northampton, Massachusetts
Biographical notes: He was an early pioneer to this town [Lebanon, CT], and was highly esteemed as an intelligent father, friend and counselor, leading a respectable family of influential children and grand-children in the paths of virtue and true religion. When he died, 18 December, 1718, he left behind him the legacy of a good name, that his children might profit by his example. From him and his children has come down an influence for morality, for patriotism, and pure religion, which will continue to extend and bless other generations. The Janes Family: A Genealogy & Brief History of the Descendants of William Janes . . .
Records:
1676 - March 27 - Northampton, MA - Abel was in court for breaking sumptuary laws.
The [sumptuary] law enacted in 1657, declares "or vtter detestation & dislike that men or weomen of meane condition, educations and callings, should take vpon them the garbe of gentlemen, by the wearinge of gold or silver lace, or buttons or poynte at theire knees, to walke in greate bootes; or women of the same ranke to weare silke or tiffany hoodes or scarfes, which though allowable to persons of greater estates or more liberall education, yet we cannot but judge it intollerable in p'rsons of such like condition." Any person with an estate of less than £200, who offended against this law was made liable to a fine of 10s. The selectmen wer empowered to assess all who "exceed theire ranks & abilitie in the costlyness or fashion of their apparraill in any respect, especially wearinge of ribons & great bootes," at £200. An amendment was made to this law in 1662, in which its provisions were applied to children and servants. Not only was the wearing of rich garments prohibited, but "taylors" were forbidden to make or fashion them. The penalty for a first offence was admonition, for a second, a fine of 20s., and as the number of offences multiplied, an increase of the fine to 40s. The law of 1675, provided a fine of 10s for a second and each succeeding conviction, but did not repeal the former statutes.
"Pride in clothes and hair," seems to have been amply illustrated in Mr. Stoddard's parish, and many of the young in his own congregation took occasion to defy the law. The action of the General Court in this matter promptly awakened public sentiment, and the moral suasion of the pulpit, no doubt brought to bear by the Reverend pastor, was strongly supplemented by the stern commands of law. The authorities proceeded with the work in had, and an effort was speedily made to enforce the new statute and suppress these "heinous sins." On the 27 of March, 1676, twenty-three persons were presented at the court, in Northampton, "for wearing silk in a flaunting manner and for long hair and other extravagances contrary to honest and sober order, and demeanor not becoming a wilderness state, at least the profession of christianity and religion." Six of them were married women, six were unmarried, probably young girls, and the rest were young men.
These persons were . . . Abel Janes . . . The prisoners were all admonished and ordered to pay clerk's fees, 2s, 6d. each, and "so acquitted." The wife of Samuel Holton, "who having formerly offended and not reforming, she is fined 10s." She was charged with "wearing silk hoods and scarf in a flaunting manner." Sylvester Judd suggested that "this pride in long hair may allude to wigs which were coming into fashion." The new statute mentions "perewiggs" and "borders of hair" worn by "some women."1676 - May 19, Northampton, MA - age 32 - Abel Janes appears on the list of men who were engaged in the fight at Turner's Falls. This was a battle during King Philip's War instigated by the English in retaliation for the attack on Deerfield, Massachusetts. James Trumbell in his History of Northampton, Massachusetts describes it this way:
The information furnished by the escaped captives, [John] Gilbert and [Thomas] Reed, focused the prevailing desire for an immediate demonstration. It was decided to make an attack upon the camp at the falls above Deerfield, since known as Turner's Falls.
["Several hundred Indians had taken station on elevated ground, on the right bank of the river at the head of the fall; a smaller party occupied the opposite bank, and another was stationed at what is now called Smead's Island, upwards of a mile below. As the English forces at Hadley and the adjacent towns, were not at this time very numerous, the Indians considered themselves little exposed to an attack, and had become remiss in guarding their station." - Hoyt's Indian Wars, p. 128.]
Eager as they [the English] were to be led against the enemy, some necessary delay occurred in organizing the details of the expedition, and it was not ready to start till the evening of May 18th. This delay was in part due to the expectation of reinforcements from Connecticut, application for aid therefrom having been made. The force, including officers, chaplain and guides, numbered about one hundred forty-seven men, nearly all mounted.
[Estimates differ relative to the number of men engaged under Capt. Turner. From one hundred fifty to one hundred sixty is the statement generally made by historians. . . . the whole number of volunteers, who participated in that fight, was one hundred forty-seven, and this is probably as accurate as any roll that can be made at the present time.]
There were thirty-five soldiers from the garrisons at Northampton, Hadley and Hatfield; and twenty-five from those at Springfield and Westfield, under command of Lieut. Isaiah Tay of Boston. The rest was composed of volunteers from the five towns in the County of Hampshire. From Northampton twenty-two men, under Ensign John Lyman; from Hadley twenty-six, and from Hatfield twelve, under Sergts. John Dickinson and Joseph Kellogg; from Springfield twenty-four, and from Westfield three, under command of Capt. Holyoke. This little army, composed wholly of volunteers, soldiers as well as citizens, assembled at Hatfield, on the 18th of May. It was commanded by Capt. William Turner, with Capt. Samuel Holyoke of Springfield, and Ensign John Lyman of Northampton, as subordinates. Rev. Hope Atherton, minister at Hatfield, accompanied the expedition as chaplain, and Benjamin Wait of Hatfield, and Experience Hinsdell of Hadley, were the guides.
On the evening of the day already named, the little band of volunteers, after listening to a fervent prayer from Chaplain Atherton, started on its hazardous march of twenty miles. The night was exceedingly dark, and the way lay through dense forests encumbered with fallen trees and entangled underbrush, across swamps yet soft with the spring rains, against a numerous and wary foe. All night the dreary march continued (about 25 miles), followed by the desperate morning fight. The route lay along the west side of Connecticut River, and midnight found them at the forsaken plantation of Deerfield. On they hurried over the Deerfield river, and here they narrowly escaped detection. In order to avoid the ford which was guarded by the enemy, they crossed the river near the mouth of Sheldon's brook. Notwithstanding this precaution, the Indian sentinels caught the sound of the splashing horses. They examined the fording place with torches, but thanks to the darkness of the night, nothing was discovered. Imagining the alarm to have been occasioned by a troop of moose, no further notice of it was deemed necessary. Turner continuing his march through "Greenfield meadow, passing Green River and a trackless forest of about four miles, halted on elevated land, a small distance west of fall river about half a mile from the Indian camp at the falls." [Hoyt's Indian Wars, p. 129] Here he dismounted his men and picketed his horses, leaving them in charge of a small guard. Little time was spent in preparation for the attack. After fording Fall River they climbed a steep incline, and found themselves close upon the Indian camp.
Prosperous in their fishing operations, and successful in their cattle thieving raid, the Indians spent the day preceding the attack in feasting upon the beef and milk obtained from the recently stolen Hatfield stock. Completely surfeited by their debauch they slept soundly, posting no sentinels and keeping no watch. At break of day the assaulting party reached its position in the rear of and overlooking the hostile camp. Arranging his forces so that every shot would tell. Capt. Turner hurled them upon the sleeping foe. So thorough was the surprise that the English thrust their guns into the wigwams before the enemy were aware of their presence. Astounded by the attack, the Indians rushed out in the greatest consternation. On the one side the deadly foeman pouring in his murderous fire, on the other the swift waters of the cataract, left them no avenue of escape. In the confusion they darted wildly about, shouting "Mohawks, Mohawks!" Some took to their canoes and endeavored to get away by the river. Many threw themselves in without paddles, and were hurried by the rushing waters to speedy destruction [the falls are about 40 feet high now, not sure how they have been changed with the current dam.] Some attempted to escape by swimming, but were soon drowned. Others were shot in the water, as their canoes, riddled with bullets, sank beneath them. Numbers were killed in their wigwams, and not a few sought shelter under the overhanging banks of the river, where they were mercilessly slaughtered. Capt. Holyoke is reported as having killed five "with his own sword," who were thus in hiding, and the soldiers plied the bloody work till the enemy were dispersed. The butchery was brief, but terrible. Slight resistance was made by the panic stricken foe, and but one of the assailing party was wounded. Another was killed by his friends, who supposing him to be an Indian, shot him as he came out of a wigwam. The camp was burned and every thing in it destroyed.
["Captain Turner, by Trade a Taylor, but one that for his valour, has left behinde him an Honorable Memory . . . marching all Night, came upon them before Day-break, they having no Centinels, or Scouts abroad, as thinking themselves secure by Reason of their remote Distance from any of our Plantations; Ours taking this Advantage of their Negligence, fell in amongst them, and killed several hundreds of them upon the Place; they being out of any Posture or order to make any formidable Resistance, though they were six Times superior to us in Number; But that which was almost as much, nay in some respect more considerable than their lives. We there destroied all their Ammunition and Provision, which we think they can hardly be so soon and esily recruited with, as possibly they may be with Men. We likewise here demolisht Two Forges they had to mend their Amres; took away all their Materialls and Tools, and drove many of them into the River, where they were drowned, and threw two great Piggs of Lead of theirs (intended for making bullets into said River." New & Farther Narrative of the State of New England, p. 240, published in 1676.]
The work of destruction was thorough and complete, and thus far the victory had been overwhelming. But now the tide of battle turned, and henceforth it was for the victors but a race for life. Too long the English lingered in the deserted camp. Reinforcements for the red men, from the adjacent camps, were at hand, and realizing the weakness of the attacking party, they set themselves in motion to retrieve the day. Capt. Turner immediately fell back towards the point where his horses had been picketed, with his men in some disorder. A party of Indians were seen crossing the river above the encampment, and about twenty of Turner's men volunteered to attack them. But the enemy proved too strong, and they were driven back upon the main body, having been nearly surrounded while mounting their horses. Another party of Indians coming up from below the Falls, had already attacked the detachment guarding the horses, but were dispersed by the arrival of Capt. Turner. By this time other Indians had crossed from the east side of the river, and gathering courage from added numbers, they attacked the English with great vigor.
Capt. Turner, enfeebled by sickness, was hardly able to sustain the fatigue of such an expedition, and was not in a condition properly to meet the changed circumstances of the day. When he found that the savages were swarming about his little command in great numbers, he gave the order to retreat. Continuing with the main body himself, Capt. Turner placed Capt. Holyoke in command of the rear guard, and the homeward march began. At Smead's Island, about a mile below the Falls, was a large Indian camp. Reinforcements from that point soon joined the attacking party, and the entire Indian force fell upon the flank and rear of the retreating squadrons. here a desperate fight occurred, and it was only through the most heroic exertions that the enemy was repulsed. Capt. Holyoke "received them with resolution and often drove them back." At last his horse was shot under him and several Indians rushed forward. He shot the foremost of his assailants, and by the help of his men escaped. As the day advanced the heat increased, adding materially to the indisposition of Capt. Turner. He soon found great difficulty in managing his horse, and lost all control of his men. When urged to turn back and assist the hard pressed rear guard, or to halt till it could come up with him, he replied: "Better save some, than lose all." An English captive, rescued by the soldiers, reported that Philip was ready to fall upon them with a thousand men. This information, apparently confirmed by sharply renewed and more vigorous attacks, caused a panic among the troops. The guides differed as to the best line of retreat. Without an efficient leader, and left to their own resources, the men separated into several parties, arranging themselves under as many different commanders. The route of the English lay beside a thickly covered morass or swamp, which extended nearly to Green River. From this covert the Indians poured a destructive fire upon the weary and disordered army. While passing this thicket, one of the retreating squadrons was cut off by the enemy, and utterly destroyed. A soldier having lost the way was captured and as was "afterwards ascertained put to death by burning."
After running the gauntlet of the swamp, the main body reached Green River. Here Capt. Turner, while crossing near "Nash's Mills," was shot and fell dead from his horse. The command then devolved upon Capt. Holyoke, who succeeded in making good his retreat, through Green River meadows, across Petty's Plain, Deerfield River and meadows, till he reached Hatfield. Throughout the remainder of the retrograde march, the English forces were hard pressed by a numerous and active foe, who followed them to the "Bars," on the road leading to Deerfield South Meadow.
This was by far the most severe fight that had occurred in the valley during the war. Less disastrous to the English than others, but longer continued and more destructive to the Indians. The bravery and hardihood manifested in undertaking an expedition of this kind in the face of such overwhelming numbers, were only equaled by the unflinching courage displayed during the disastrous retreat, when for more than ten miles, every inch of ground was sharply contested with a foe out numbering them more than three to one. The name of Capt. Turner was applied to the Falls, while the real hero of the conflict was Capt. Samuel Holyoke, but his exertions on that occasion cost him his life. He never recovered from the fatigue and excitement of that day. Disease set in, and during the following Autumn he died, full of honor, and yet his name nowhere appears upon the lists of those who were present upon that bloody field.
["And if Capt. Hollioke had not played the man at a more than ordinary rate, sometimes in the Front, sometimes in the Flank, and Rear, and at all times encouraging the soldiers, it might have proved a fatal Business to the assailants." Hubbard, p. 226.]
The English lost according to all contemporary reports, thirty-eight men, all but one of whom was slain after leaving the Falls, on the homeward march. About one-third of the men killed belonged to the Hampshire towns. Mr. Sheldon gives a list of forty-one killed and three wounded. . . . A printed record of deaths in this town, published in 1824, gives, under the day of May 19th, 1676, the names of fourteen others as "all slain by Indians," all of whom, with the exception of Capt. Turner, were garrison soldiers here. When the troops reached Hatfield, forty-five men were missing, and two mortally wounded. Two came in that night (Friday), two on Sunday, and two more on Monday. One of the latter was Rev. Mr. Atherton, Chaplain of the expedition.
It is impossible to estimate with any degree of certainty, the number of Indians engaged in this fight, and equally impossible to arrive at the number slain. The aggregate of Indian losses is variously given. Some of the Indian prisoners stated that four hundred were killed, others gave the number of slain and drowned as three hundred or upwards, still others avowed that only sixty warriors of the Pocumtucks, Nipmucks and Narragansetts, including three or four sachems, and some of their best fighting men were lost. They also reported that many who were carried over the Falls, got on shore below them. Rev. Mr. Russell puts the number at two hundred, in a letter to the Council at Hartford. He says that they were counted by some of the soldiers. Sylvester Judd states: "It can hardly be credited that men could have found time during or after the fight to count the dead or drowning Indians. It is not unreasonable, however, to suppose that from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and eighty Indians, old and young, perished at the Falls that morning." Most of the slain were river Indians, who twelve months before resided in and near the Hampshire villages. From this disaster the Indians never recovered. It was a crushing blow. They lost more, if only sixty warriors were slain, than in any other engagement during the war, except in the Narragansett fight.
This encounter, notwithstanding its sad ending, was the most serious discomfiture that had befallen King Philip during the war. Not only was the encampment broken up and the fishing and planting stopped, but many of the leading sachems were killed. The Indians, however, remained in the vicinity, still menacing the settlements and delivered one more blow before abandoning the valley forever.
It is not strange that the little army under Turner became quickly disorganized. All were volunteers - many of them mere boys - who had never before acted together. They lacked the unity imparted by discipline, and soon lost confidence in their leaders. When the guides differed as to the best line of retreat, they broke up into squads, each man apparently acting for himself. A number of soldiers, who became separated from the main body, wandered for days in the woods.
Intelligence of the fight was immediately forwarded to Hartford, and on the 20th of May, Capt. Newberry, with about eighty men, was dispatched to Northampton. He arrived on the 22d, having left three men at Westfield. The Committees of Militia in several towns kept their scouts traversing the county in all directions, and the position of the Indians was not unknown. The old encampment was partially reoccupied, and a force of the enemy was still in the vicinity of the Falls.
The courage of the people was not dampened by the disastrous ending of Capt. Turner's expedition. They were ready and anxious to go out against the foe at the earliest practicable moment. After the death of Capt. Turner, however, they were destitute of a proper leader and deficient in men. Consequently matters remained stationary during the rest of the month. Rumors of a large gathering of Indians at or near Squakeag, were prevalent, and it was believed that they were making preparations for a demonstrations. Two days after his arrival, Capt. Newberry reports in a letter to the Connecticut Council, concerning the state of feeling existing among the people in the river towns. They were in favor of immediate action. The scouts reported that the Indians were apparently dwelling in security, and it was believed that they could again be surprised and effectively punished. He writes from Northampton, May 24th as follows:
. . . "If find their people very desirous for motion against the enemy, and according to best intelligence, cannot but judge it may be for great advantage to be doing as soon as may be. They seem to be secure by what return the Scouts make, and doubtless are not yet numerous. It is credibly affirmed that there is a considerable party at Quabaug, nigh 300 by the intelligence that is come from thence last night. So that we are apt to think if Maj. Talcott would please to come that way with his forces he might do good service both here & there. We only present the case & leave it to the prudent consideration of the Council, or if the Council see cause to send about 50 or 60 more soldiers and give their consent & advise to the matter we would willingly march up with what of their soldiers may be raised here, and do what spoil we can by God's assistance on one side of the river. Our soldiers are very willing to be doing something, rather than lie in garrison; little is like to be got by garrisoning whatever may be saved. If the Council see not their way by all that is before them to send any More men this way, then we propound for your advice & counsel whether we may not go forth with what is here to be procured & make some trials. Surely I cannot but think it will be disadvantageous to the public interest to defer the matter any long time. . . ."
His suggestion that Major Talcott should march by way of Quabaug, was subsequently adopted.
Several battles followed in the neighboring towns. King Philip's War continued through August. It is not clear how Abel Janes fared in the battle at Turners Falls or whether he went to the defense of nearby towns in the ensuing battles.
[In 1736, the Legislature granted a township of six miles square to the survivors and heirs of all who were engaged in this fight. It was called Falltown (now Bernardston). Twenty-two names of persons who were certainly residents of Northampton in 1676, are given in the list prepared by the Legislature committee, as entitled to grants of land at Falltown.]1668 - Nov. 4th - Abel was among the signers of a petition against imposts sent to the governor and administrators of Massachusetts Bay Colony from men of Northampton.
To the Right Wor'll [Worshipful] Wor'll and much Honord the Governour Deputy Governor and the Rest of our Honor'd Magistrates & Deputyes Assembled in Generall Court at Boston
Right Wor'll Wor'll and much Honord
Amonge the high and Peculier favoures wherwith the Lord hath dignified his poore people in this wilderness and o'rselues in p'ticuler, this may not bee accounted the least, that wee haue such Godly, Prudent, and Faithfull Rulers set over vs, vnto whom wee vpon our necessities, supplecate for our releife in our Distressing difficulties, and that with well grounded assurance, not to bee disown'd in the time of o'r neede: The Consideration wherof hath encouraged your Petitioners the Inhabitants of Northampton to Addresse o'rselues vnto you in this our Petition humbly shewing.
May it please you, that weras ther was a lawe made as wee are informed the last Sessions of o'r Honord Gene'll Court Respecting laying of Custome or Trybute vpon Corne or other provisions that are brought into the severall Portes within this Collony, and this Order, as wee are allsoe informed doth not exempt, but reach and bring in our neighbouring Plantations belowe vw vpon the Connecticut River.
Whervpon wee are informed that they are like to doe soe by vs allsoe, and some of them doe tell vs that they will make vs pay for all, and allsoe tell vs that if 2d p. bush: will not, 4d or 6d shall, and if 2s 6d p bar, will not, 5s shall.
Wee know your whorshipps vnderstand that wee haue noe way to Transporte our Corne and Provisions but thoroe them, and wee find it very Difficult and Chargable, for it will COst 1s p bush, to Winsor, and 2d p. bush. from thence to Hartford, and 6d p. bush. from Hartford to Boston. And many times wee are Exposed to warehouse roome. Beesides all this wee haue binn at very great Charge in laying out, in makeing and maintayning highwayes, and Bridges, to make them fitt for Traveling and Carting, And if wee should pay Trybute and Custome at Hartford or elswher in Conecticut Jurisdiction, wee Conceiue the burthen will bee soe heavy that wee feare will Cawse some Amongst to bee thinke themselves aboute speedy remooueing. And Allsoe bee a meanes to retard and hinder the proceeding and goeing on of any Plantation aboue vs.
Much honor'd in the Lord wee feare allsoe that the putting this lawe in Execution vpon o'r neighbours and loueing Confederates (who through the Good hand of Gods Providence vpon vs, haue soe liued in loue, and Peace togeather without such Taxes) hath in it a Tendancy to breake the bond of Peace and loue: Therefore whether it were not better to let the Children goe free, and lay taxes and Costome on strang'rs.
Therefore wee humbly begg and craue of you, that you would bee pleas'd to stopp and pre'vent the Execution of that Order vpon our neighbouring Collony, If it may bee: Or else to make some pvission for your Petitioners that they may not bee pvoked to do to vs as is aboue exprest, that wee may still haue free Passage thoro them. And allsoe that loue and Peace may bee still Continued as formerly.
Which wee leaue to your Godly wisdome to act and doe that which you thinke meete for you'r Petitioners, thus Craueing pr'don for our boldnesse, Intreateing allsoe that your worshipps would bee pleased to take candidly what wee haue said, as wee intend the same, not in any measure to reflect, but only to mention, and make knowe our grevances to you, so you'r Petitioners shall pray.
Northampton, 4th 11mo 1668
Signed: William Joanes [probably Abel's father], Joseph Janes [Abel's brother], Abell Janes among many others1692 - Northampton, MA - town vote regarding paying the school master:
A new method of paying the school-master was adopted the year previous [1692]. The town assumed the entire responsibility and voted "to giue forty pounds per yeer for A 'Schoole Master that minght be Attained fit for that worke and the aboue said sum of forty pounds they Agree to pay for one yeare And the Scholers to go free." Here was a radical change. When the first school was established, the town paid the teacher a few pounds, and he collected what he could from the pupils. In a few years the salary was increased and the sum to be paid by each scholar voted. Soon after the town still further increased the salary and assumed the responsibility of its payment, but still required the same amount from those who attended. Now individuals were to be entirely relieved, and the sum required was to be raised by taxation. Considerable opposition was manifested to this proposition, and more than one meeting was held before the question was settled. At a special meeting called "to Againe consider about a Schoole," the former vote was confirmed, but some opposed it so earnestly, that they insisted in putting themselves on record as voting in opposition. the following names appear as dissenting from the vote: . . . Abel Janes.1705 - May 28 - Springfield, Massachusetts - a deed mentions Abel Janes as being a resident of Northampton.
1706 - Abel moved his family to Lebanon, Connecticut.
1716 - Springfield, Massachusetts - a deed made for Northampton lands, recorded at Springfield, lists Abel Janes as being of Lebanon, CT.
1716 - March 28 - A quit claim deed made to Abel Janes
These presents witnesseth that we, Samuel Janes and Jonathan Janes of Northampton, county of Hampshire, in the province of Massachusetts bay, in New England, for and in consideration of a certain instrument bearing date with these presents, receive of our uncle, Abel Janes of Lebanon . . .1718 - Sept. 15th - Abel Janes wrote his will:
In the Name of God Amen the fifteenth Day of September 1718 I Abel Janes of Lebanon in the County of New London being sick & weak in body but of perfect mind & memory thanks be Given to God Therefore Calling unto mind the mortality of my body and knowing that its appoynted for all men once to dye do make and do make and ordain this my Last will & testament that is to say principally and first of all i Give & Recomend my soul in to ye hands of God that saved (?) it & my body I Recomend to ye earth to be buried in decent Christian burial at ye Descretion of my Executor nothing doubting but at ye General Resurrection I shall Receive ye same again by the mighty power of God and as Touching such worldy estate whose will it hath pleased God to bless me in this life, I Give devise (?) dispose of the same in following manner & form
Imprimis I Give & bequeath to Mary my Dearly beloved wife the one third of my whole estate both housing lands & moveables and also (?) I Give to my wife thirty pounds to be at her disposal
Imp. I Give to my son William Janes besides the Land I have already given him, do now Give & bequeath to my sd son that Twenty (?) acres of Land wc (?) I bought of Stephen Tilden in Lebanon & two thirds of my Comon right and also to have one halfe of ye fruit of ye new orchard for the ---- of nine years.
Impr. I Give & bequeath to my son Noah Janes my farm I now Live upon wc is about sixty acres with ye housing on it and also give to my son Noah another parcel of Land about thirty four acres in Lebanon bounded by Windham Road --- and against Joseph Phelps Land southerly ----- against William Janes Land & northerly against Ensign Wrights Land & also a third of of my Common Right in the undivided land.
Imp. I Give to my Daughter Mary King besides what she hath had the sume of three pounds.
Imp. I Give to my Daughter Ruth Chapin three pounds besides what I have already given her
Imp. I give to my granson Waitstill Strong son of my Daughter Sarah Strong deceased the sume of three pounds
Impr. I Give to my Daughter Elizabeth Phelps five shilling besides what I formerly have given her
Imp. I Give to my Daughter Mindwell Janes ten pounds
Imp. I Give to my Daughter Rachel Janes the sume of fifteen pounds
Imp. I Give to my Daughter Basheba Janes fifteen pounds
Imp. I Give to my granson Noah Chapin five pounds provided he Live with my Executor till he be eighteen years of age
And further my will is that all the Legacys above mentioned should be payed within two after my Decease by my Executors here further my will is that William Janes my son shall have Liberty of highway threw my land from his farm to the County Road from Lebanon to Windham & further my will is that my wife Mary Janes & My son William Janes be sole Executors of this my Last Will & Testament. In Witness ---- of the above Named Abell Janes ---- ---- unto signed & sealed the day & year fixt above above written signed sealed published & declared by sd Abel Janes as his Last Will & Testament in the presence of the subscribers.
Abel his F mark Janes & seal [it's interesting that the son of the school master made his mark instead of his signature]
[Wit:] Thomas Root, William Clarke Jun., William Clarke
Capt. William Clarke and William Clarke Jun. appeared before a Court of probate held in New London the 14th day of April 1719 and made oath that they saw Abel Janes the Testator sign and seal the above Instrument and heard him declare it to be his last will and Testament, and that at the doing thereof he was to the best of their Judgment of disposing mind & memory and that they together with Thomas Root set to same (?) hand as witnesses
Mess. (?) Richard Christopher, Judge
Recorded In the 4th Book of Wills for the County of New London on folio 118 Apirl 17, 1719
PC Christopher Clark -----1718/19 - Jan. 12 - Estate inventory for Abel Janes' estate:
January ye 12, 1719-19
A true inventory of ye estate of Abell Janes of Lebanon Deceased taken by us underwritten being under oath.
- Imp. one Casey (?) Great Coat 8s - one straight fit bodyed Coat plain Cloaths 12s - £1-00-00
- one black JJacoat (?)12s (?) one pair of Leather briches 5s in ye whole £00-14-00
- Imp. two Cotton Shirts--- two neck cloaths(?) 3 (?) £00-15-00
- Imp. one feather bed & bolster 3(?) one bedstead cord & curtains 15 (?) £03-15-00
- Six sheets (?) 01-8-0 two (?) coverlids 12s two (?) tickin pillows 6(?) £02-16-00
- one hat 3s, two pairs of stockins 3s one pairs of sheets (?) 3s - £00-0-00
- one feather bed & bolster £03-10-0 two white blanckets (?) 10s £04-00-00
- one S------ blanckit 8s one Gray coverlid 6s £00-14-00
- one trundle bedstead & cord 6(?) 6(?) £00-06-06
- one old feather bed & bolster 02-0-0 two napkins 2 (?) £02-02-00
- two table cloaths & one towel 03 two ---- beds(?) 2s one frame (?) £00-05-06
- Imp one brass kittle 1£-15-0 one warming pan 12s £02-07-00
- one Iron pott 10s one iron pott & pott hooks 14 (?) £01-04-00
- one Iron kittle 10s one frying pan 6s one iron flesh fork 1-6 £00-17-06
- one Trowell 5(?) one Shift (?) 4s one pair of Tongues [tongs?] 3-6 £00-12-06
- one inch & half augor 2s one inch & Quarter (?) 2 £00-04-00
- one paire of stillyards 6s Cart & wheels with 4 (?) irons & chains & pins(?) 2-15 £3-01-00
- two pairs of plow oxen / iron (?) 1£-06-0 three plows 12(?) £01-18-00
- one yok & irons 5(?) one pair log chains & collor 11s £00-16-00
- three old axes 8s one pair of log chains 7s-6 £00-15-06
- one broad how(?) 1s-6 one drawing knife 2-6 one Chisel 1s £00-05-00
- one gouge 1s one handfrow (? 4s-6d one old ---- & Tacklin 4s £00-09-06
- four sickles 4s one cow bell 3s one hamor 1-6 £00-08-06
- one plow cops & pin 2-6 old iron 2s one lamp 3s £00-07-06
- one box iron 5-6 one smothing iron 2s one candlestick 6 £00-08-00
- one brass D---- 1 two puter plattor of one ---- 16 one puter plates(?) 6 £01-03-00
- one putor platter 5s one great puter bason 4s one puter bason 2-6 £00-11-06
- one puter bason 2s one bason 1s one old platter & one bason 1-6 £00-4-06
- one puter platter 2s old puter 3s-6 two glass bottles 1-4 £00-6-10
- one earthen platter 1s one earthen pitcher 1s two knott bowles 5 £00-7-00
- one knott tray 1-6 two knot dishes 1-6 seven spoons 5-6 £00-6-06
- one knott dish 1 two trays one wooden plattor 1-8 one churn 2-6 £00-05-02
- two old pails 2s two half bushels 1-? one chest 4s one box 2s-6 £00-10-00
- one washin Tubb 2s one great chair 2-6 three small chairs 6 £00-10-06
- one pair of Hattchetts 8-6 one side Table 10s two old ---- & Tacklin ? £01-05-06
- one pillow & cloth 6 one Looking Glass 3 two barrels 4 £00-13-00
- two small tubs 3s one pair of cards 1 two old forks(?) 5 £00-09-00
- one hay knife & Curre comb 2-6 one horse 6 one cow 4 £10-02-06
- one cow 3-10-0 one horse 3-10-0 one yoak of ---- 6-15 £13-15-00
- one horse 1-10-0 one calf 1-0-0 one calf 10s £03-00-00
- three swine 1-6-0 sixteen sheep 6-16-0 £08-02-00
- the homestead house barn & orchard £300-00-00
- thirty four acres of Land by the Widow Hadlocks £24-00-00
- Sixteen acres and half of land that was bought of Stephen Calden (?) £16-00-00
- an iron crow(?) 00-10-00 and pinchers 12 £00-12-00
- A chain 00-15 and yok 00-04 £00-19-00
- [Subtotal] £414-06-06
- Three sives 00-04-06 and a quart pot (?) £00-06-06
- an auger 00-01-00 £00-01-00
- The sum total is £414-14-00
The appr[a]isers were Preserved Strong, William Clarks jun'r
Mrs. Mary Janes appeared before a court of probate in New London on the 14th day of April 1719 & made oath that she made a true presentment of her deceased husbands estate to the appraisers according to the best of her knowledge and if any thing further appears to be his Estate that is Considerable she will cause it to be added to the Inventory.
Attest: Richard Christopher, Judge
Recorded in the 4th book of Wills folio 119 April 17, 1719 PC Christopher Clerk --- -----
Abel Janes Inventory Recorded 14 April 1719 Recorded Book B page 313Children:
Mary b. 1680 md. 1) Benjamin King, 1700, 2) Jonathan Graves
- Elisha King b. 1717 md. Jemima Graves 1753
- Mary Graves b. 1722 md. Noah Loomis
- Elijah Graves b. 1725, d. 1739
- Sarah b. 1726
- Rachel b. 1703
- Ebenezer b. 1705, d. 1757 md. Elizabeth Pease, children: Ebenezer, Elizabeth, Eliphalet & Tabatha
- Noah b. 1707, d. 1787 md. Mary Wright, children: Mary, Oliver, Experience, Eunice, Noah & David
- Seth b. 1709, d. 1807 md. 1) Elizabeth Bliss & 2) Margaret Pease, children: Samuel, Abigail, Elisabeth & Catherine
- Katherine b. 1710 md. (--?--) Ellsworth
- Moses b. 1712, d. 1793 md. 1) Jerusha Rockwell & 2) Elizabeth Dwight, children: Jerusha, Anna, Ruth, Phineas, Daniel, Frederick, Moses, Jason, Elizabeth, Samuel & Abiah
- Aaron b. 1714, d. 1808 md. Sybil Markham, children: Hiram, Aaron, Justus, Gideon, Jeremiah & Joseph
- Elias b. 1716, d. 1791 md. Sarah Pratt, children: Sarah, Elias, Asa, Lucy, Lovicy, Ebenezer
- Reuben b. 1718, d. 1788 md. 1) Rebecca Kibbe, 2) Sarah Chapin, children: Rebecca, Esther, Lament & Sarah
- Charles b. 1720, d. 1813 md. 1) Anna Camp & 2) Anna Clapp, children: Charles, Phineas, Ruth, Oliver, Abigail, Heman & Luther
- David b. 1722, d. 1762 md. Martha Allen, children: Abigail, Hannah, Sabra, Loru, Rachel & David
- Elisha b. 1725 died in infancy
- Phineas b. 1726, d. 1747
Elisha b. 1686 (?) md. Mindwell (--?--)
- Dinah b. ca. 1720
- Jonathan b. 1724 md. Abigail (--?--) ca. 1753, children: Jonathan, Lois, Samuel, Amos, Esther, Enoch & Irenica
- Waitstill b. 1703, d. 1792
Esther b. 1695, d. 1795 md. Stephen Hunt 1730
- Stephen b. 1731, d. 1762
- Esther b. 1732
- Elijah b. 1734
- Samuel b. 1735
- John b. 1738
- Rachel b. 1740 md. Jonathan Clark
- Eunice b. 1742 md. (--?--) Carter
- Lydia b. 1745 md. Hickman Bennett
- Elijah b. 1749 md. Abigail Reynolds 1773 had Stephen and two other sons and five daughters,
Rachel b. 1700
Bathsheba b. 1703
No comments:
Post a Comment